Throughout the Howard years the Liberal party preached, as if gospel, that by delivering budget surplus after surplus they were and still are the only party to be trusted to ‘responsibly' manage the economy. In contrast, Labor is demonised as ‘irresponsible' economic managers due to their spend-happy history, which, at present, they appear to be living up to.
This constant debate of Labor deficit vs. Liberal surplus floods the media every day, both sides trading blows with seemingly no resolution in sight. In this brief article I'd like to set the record straight: both parties are wrong and both will cause considerable harm to our economy.
The Surplus
The legacy of the Liberal government as they'll relentlessly stress was the art of maintaining a budget surplus throughout their term in office. They call this fiscal responsibility, prudent management or some other play on words that makes it sound as if a surplus somehow helps the taxpayers. On the contrary, budget surpluses are not surpluses at all; they are simply a result of the government charging too much in taxes. When Peter Costello tries to equate that a budget surplus is, in effect, the same as if a private company made a profit, all he's doing is demonstrating his dishonesty.
Firms make profits by satisfying the most urgent needs of consumers. They manage to keep costs low enough to earn a differential between said costs and the market price of their products. This is in sharp contrast to how the government does business: rather than meeting the needs of consumers, the bulk of government products and services are provided for the people who pay relatively little in taxes.
A government surplus is earned by seizing property from citizens and then not permitting those same citizens to use the services that they are financing. If someone in the private sector attempted to act in this way they would be prosecuted for theft and fraud. Perhaps next time Mr. Costello orders a meal at an expensive restaurant he should pay the bill and then be told that it's "unfair" to "working people" and that the meal will instead go to someone "more deserving".
Throughout their term the Liberal government, while keeping a budget surplus, failed to decrease the size of government at all; in fact, the size of government grew, making it oh-so-easy for Labor to just continue the big government trend at a faster rate.
A budget surplus is NOT a good thing. It is quite simply money that the private sector no longer has to spend. Entrepreneurs have that much less money to meet the demands of consumers; the very needs that the government claims to be "helping" with their spending policies. While the logical response to a surplus should be to lower taxes, the relentless greed for other people's money that is inherent in any government - left or right - the plunder of citizens under the pretence that it's "for their own good", instead results in the opposite - more spending!
This leads us to the budget deficit.
The Deficit
In stark contrast to the Liberal party, Labour claim that budget surpluses are evidence of the government ‘underspending'. To them, it's not because taxes are too high. Indeed, they baulk at the suggestion of a tax cut, because the result is that the government will be deprived of revenue that it "needs" to help the "battlers". Using this logic, if surpluses aren't the result of too much tax, then the huge budget deficits that Labor enjoys running are not the result of taxes being too low but rather too much spending (and they should cut spending and not raise tax to end them).
The current Labor leader, Kevin Rudd, is a self-proclaimed "economic conservative". Funny how as soon as he was elected he discovered a great number of exceptions that required more funding and moved from economic conservative to socialist, spouting phrases such as a "new world" and how everyone has to "do their part [i.e. pay more tax]".
Deficit spending hurts Australians more than surpluses, on that there is no question. The so called (Keynesian) justification for it, to "fill the void" left by the private sector, is a myth that has been disproven so many times that it's not worth citing. Deficit spending only diverts capital resources from more desirable to less desirable uses, with a side effect of increasing the size of government. That aside, here are some other side effects of deficit spending:
- Higher interest rates (if the government borrows domestically)
- Increased inflation (if the RBA monetises the debt)
- Weakened export markets (if the government sells debt abroad)
- All the above in some combination
In addition, while the deficit spending is continued, entrepreneurs in the private sector will have to guess about the particulars of the deficit accommodation, hedge as best they can, and take their chances. If they guess wrong, they stand to lose a lot of money. While the private sector may be good at satisfying consumer demand, it's not very good at guessing what (or where) the next "road-to-nowhere" is going to be. As a result of this, many would rather stay liquid until the deficit is gone to avoid potential losses.
The result of every deficit and all of this increased government intervention for "our own good" will, in the end, have to be paid for by the taxpayers. Rather than selling government owned enterprises to private entrepreneurs or raising the prices charged to the customers to a level where no deficit remains, the government interventionists would rather take from the "wealthy". Somehow it's "fairer" for these people to bear the burden of someone else's consumption. The problem is that this imaginary pool of money that the rich people are "hoarding" can't last forever; there's only so much the interventionists can take before they start simply taking from each other! To quote Ludwig von Mises,
"The interventionist in advocating additional public expenditure is not aware of the fact that the funds available are limited. He does not realize that increasing expenditure in one department enjoins restricting it in other departments. In his opinion there is plenty of money available. The income and wealth of the rich can be freely tapped. In recommending a greater allowance for the schools he simply stresses the point that it would be a good thing to spend more for education. He does not venture to prove that to raise the budgetary allowance for schools is more expedient than to raise that of another department, e.g., that of health. It never occurs to him that grave arguments could be advanced in favor of restricting public spending and lowering the burden of taxation. The champions of cuts in the budget are in his eyes merely the defenders of the manifestly unfair class interests of the rich."
Left? Right? Irrelevant.
What we need is a balanced budget. We need to gradually remove governmental services and move towards a smaller government, not a larger one. This involves a progressive decline in government expenditures, privatisation of government enterprises, a reduction in the regulation burden and massive tax cuts (to follow the spending cuts - remember, we don't want a surplus either). We need to ween the dependant class off the ‘welfare teet' that we've created and Kevin Rudd is intent on expanding. We need to work harder and more efficiently, save more, invest more, and produce more. That's the only way to increase wealth and income for everyone. If these reckless policies continue, the "trickle-up poverty" effect will destroy a considerable amount of wealth and lower the standard of living for all Australians (except of course the politically connected, or nomenklatura).